About
The London Borough of Barking & Dagenham is a deprived borough that has experienced swift demographic change. The council seeks to ensure socio-economic inclusion for longer established residents, while also meeting the needs of a changing population. It is a task complicated by the political history of the area, funding restrictions, the UK’s dysfunctional housing market, and the effects of the national government’s hostile policies on migrant residents.

Broader Context
Barking & Dagenham has a strong social integration policy that recognises that both international migrants and established residents may suffer exclusion in a context of deprivation. Central government cuts to local authority budgets have narrowed the space for councils to provide support beyond the minimum that they are legally obliged to offer. Wider dynamics of social exclusion, social housing supply and housing affordability in the city bring vulnerable arrivals, both British and foreign born, to reside and seek support in the borough. Finally, many residents have experienced destitution or prolonged social exclusion due to national-level policies and practices towards migrants.

Ethnographic Site
The ethnographic research unfolded in everyday spaces (libraries, market, cafés and shops, homes) and in services targeting specific needs, social identities or neighbourhoods. These included free food provision services, English teaching services, and services for particular cultural, linguistic or faith groups. Initial fieldwork did not reveal any visible, targeted services for international migrants or other newly arrived residents. However, the council, charities and community groups were delivering a range of different and often changing services to residents, often including different types of arrivals in the local area, whether British or foreign-born.

Some Key Findings
Findings reflect challenges for the inclusion of new arrivals in the borough, who often lack the technology, language and digital skills, know-how and/or social connections needed to discover and access opportunities and services. Help and information from social contacts such as friends, family, landlords, and colleagues were often key to unlocking opportunities and overcoming barriers. However, some vulnerable participants were isolated, or had social networks that could not assist them effectively. Signposting was of little use to those facing severe barriers of language, digital skills, or know-how. For some, contacts within a particular service were their only opportunity to access support or information. However, some services were not designed, resourced or equipped to provide support effectively and with compassion.

Read about the action research for this site here.

Research Team
Susanne Wessendorf, Tamlyn Monson

About
The ‘Brussels’ field site was conceived around a general focus on people on the move that are commonly (but not unproblematically) referred to as ‘transit migrants’ or ‘transmigrants’ ‒ moving and dwelling outside the state-run reception and detention centres. The initial field site was situated in Belgium, the Netherlands, as well as on the North Sea coast. It was broadly seen as an assemblage of multiple co-constructed and interrelated environments, ranging from online networks and platforms to private homes, squats, camps in rural and urban areas, churches, organized shelters, parks and the streets. Because the complexity and multi-layeredness of each setting in each city was difficult to cover by one researcher, Brussels was eventually chosen as the prime research location. The exploratory fieldwork in Dunkirk and Amsterdam gave a good sense of the broader topography in which people on the move in Brussels are operating. Increasingly the focus of attention was directed to care under difficult conditions, in different settings, and in different forms (care of the self and of others, protection and empowerment, voicing and advocacy).

Broader context (of the Brussels site)
The broader context both in discourse and in practice is that of the ‘hostile environment’: the post-2015 landscape of a lingering so-called ‘refugee crisis’ in a political climate in which subsequent Belgian Secretaries of State for Asylum and Migration stressed the unmanageable numbers of refugees and characterised their policy as that of reclaiming control over migration by ‘limiting the influx and speeding up the outflow’.

More specifically, the site research focused on squats and private hosting. The continued shortage of accommodation for asylum seekers supplemented by lack of housing for undocumented and documented people alike was addressed by activism of different sorts directed at bringing the accommodation issue in particular and broader basic rights issues to the attention of the general public. This activism consisted of (a) occupations of empty buildings leading to the mobilization of support and the opening of temporary shelters in the city, and (b) legal procedures, leading to multiple convictions of the state for the non-provision of reception. This offered a legal base legitimising the occupations and other protest actions. Furthermore, the 2015 ‘crisis’ lead to the creation of the Citizen Platform (now: BELRefugees) that, among other things, organised private hosting. This was an immediate success and families started hosting people on the move, also unmediated by the Citizen Platform.

Ethnographic site
The brief fieldwork in Dunkirk was situated in the refugee encampment serviced by a number of NGOs, some more informal organisations and (networks of) individuals. In Amsterdam the vantage point were services and activist projects for and with people without shelter or in precarious situations. It engaged with volunteer work in a humanitarian hub, close contact with and follow-up of two individuals in precarious living conditions, interviews with private hosts, guests, representatives of NGO’s, and participation in activities of a small NGO advocating for the rights of people with precarious citizenship.

In-depth research in Brussels focussed on private hosting and organised, ‘prefigurative’ squats. The research consisted in participating in and initiating provision of service and leisure activities, dwelling in parks and the city, following individual trajectories, voluntary work, etc. The engaged ethnographic work comprised interviews with hosts and guests, collaborative and at times activist interactions with interlocutors. This lead straight into the ‘platform’ building activities (see link below).

Beyond state failure and private hosting the research increasingly explored a broad range of (in)formal civil society actors (including people with precarious citizenship), infrastructuring access to housing and social infrastructure. This research is presently continued in the follow-up project ATLAS.

Four key findings
1. Private hosting of people on the move underscored the importance of building social and emotional bonds and of providing (the conduits for) social services, leading to or offering material, financial, medical, administrative, or legal support. Private hosting filled a number of gaps in the provisions of the state. Hosting provides meaningful counter-practices to the hostile state-practices of exclusion. Furthermore, host-guest relationships involve very personal and direct dependencies and hierarchies. This is mentioned by some newcomers explaining why they prefer the more anonymous situation of a larger-scale shelter.

2. Outside the official reception and detention centres, Brussels counts numerous buildings occupied by homeless newcomers, and the state and region co-organise and co-fund ad-hoc accommodation often provided by NGOs. These dwellings are dispersed throughout the city and are of a temporary nature ‒ due to maximum residence periods and evictions. This politics of dispersal and displacement in the urban environment forces the newcomers to move from one place to the next which can jeopardize their links to habitual service hubs. In answer to this situation, a range of mobile services emerged in the city. These ‘mobile infrastructures’ actively locate and visit the dispersed in their temporary dwellings ‒ thereby shifting the responsibility of locating and travelling across the city from the newcomers to the organizations themselves.

3. Temporary occupation squats in Brussels not only exert pressure on the federal government to provide shelter and social services to homeless protection seekers, but also foster community building and friendships among local activists and the newcomers and forge important networks beyond the period of the occupation. These long-term relations transcend mere fulfilment of basic needs and service dependencies among the people involved.

4. In response to the ‘hostile environment’ evoked above, the collaborative research highlighted how the federal government’s framing of the situation as refugee crisis stresses the illegitimacy of arrival, legitimizing stricter migration measures and policies. By reframing this as a reception crisis, humanitarian and activist actors attribute the root cause of the problem to the decision not to provide reception to all asylum-seeking newcomers. Moreover, the reception crisis also directs attention to how the rule of law (e.g. convictions of the Belgian federal government had no consequences) is undermined and consequently puts in question Europe’s democratic system and human rights commitments.

Read about the action research for this site here.

Karel Arnaut, Ilse van Liempt, Bruno Meeus, Shila Anaraki

About
The localities of Aksaray, Laleli and Kumkapi, located in the historical district of Fatih in Istanbul, form a transnational migration hub that connects the Middle East, Central Asia, Eastern Europe, North Africa and South/Southeast Asia. Foreign nationals with various legal statuses, migration motives and opportunities have been arriving into the already existing local context of diversity. The localities comprise of a wide range of small and big, formal and informal businesses such as shops, call centers, cargo agencies, hotels, barbers, estate agencies and ethnic restaurants that serve as an arrival infrastructure for newcomers. While Aksaray and Laleli have been known for their vibrant commercial wholesale trade scenery, Kumkapi has mostly remained a residential area, providing housing infrastructure for long-term inhabitants, passers-by, and newcomers.

Ethnographic site
As part of the ReROOT project, ethnographic research was conducted in Aksaray, Laleli and Kumkapi in commercial spaces like shops, real estate agencies, cargos and in a private clinic that is one of the very few institutionalized spaces providing services to migrants. Participant observation included spending many hours in different days and times of the week in the previously mentioned spaces and chatting/hanging out with shopkeepers, waiters, carriers, real estate agents, café managers, patients and medical staff of the clinic, all of which provided insights into the multilayered arrival situation in the area where the boundaries of formality and informality are blurred.

Initial Findings
One of the important findings of the project is around the gendered nature of arrival infrastructures. Women suitcase traders arriving into the area in the 1990s continue to play a significant role in organizing work relations and social life along lines of gender and intimacy. The loosely regulated mobility of suitcase traders facilitated the mass arrival and further (labor) migration from former Soviet Union countries. In other words, women suitcase traders have been the primary mediators of post-1990s arrivals in these localities. While arrival of women suitcase traders is supported by presence of different infrastructures in the area it is also discouraged by simultaneous development of migrant sex work in these localities that have reinforced a public notoriety of the area as a place of prostitution. Such a notoriety makes movement through public space, finding employment and housing particularly difficult and sensitive for especially (young) women newcomers. Women who particularly are marked as ‘foreign’ in this space shared experiences of verbal and/or physical sexual harassment and violence.

To address this and foster a safe space for community-building, as part of the Re-Root project we started a series of WenDo self-defense workshops for local and migrant women. These participatory, technique oriented, skill-sharing workshops aim to not only teach basic principles of self-defense but also connect women over their shared experience of gender-based violence.

Read about the action research for this site here.

Research Team
Kristen Biehl, Marhabo Saparova

About
Budapest site consist of Semmelweis University, ELTE and the University of Miskolc where our research started. We cover social networks, housing, parochial spaces, online platforms, events, cultural practices, NGOs, etc. - all sites that students make us of, invest in, occupy and transform during their time as students in Hungary or as newly arrived people from the Middle East, Central Asia, Eastern Europe, broader Africa and South/Southeast Asia. Hungary is a country where foreigners arrive for various reasons.

Broader Context
In Hungary and mostly in Budapest you can easily see foreigners. People arriving here to study, do their PhD, start or expand their business (shops, restaurants, salons, etc.) or provide better education for their children - and it differs if they stay longer or shorter periods in the country. Since migration is strictly regulated in Hungary, migrants are not invisible but still the arriving infrastructures have shortcomings from the state's side. However, other actors mentioned above are there to build and hold arriving infrastructures for the newly arrived. We chose to work with students mostly, because it is a common channel to work and live in Hungary, or more broadly: the EU. Usually, students try to avoid returning to their home countries and this makes the universities informal "arriving infrastructures", even though officially these student programmes are not created for settling down in Hungary.

Ethnographic Site
During the research period, our colleagues explored universities in the country where foreign students were studying. The other sites are in Budapest, grassroot groups, informal ones or official NGOs (like Menedék itself). We are dedicated to meeting with our target groups in the field, where they tend to go or gather.

Some key findings
It is easy to say that in connection with migration, state-funded infrastructures appear in quite low numbers. Students in the university have different experiences with arriving infrastructures, and their encounters also vary based on which city they live in; if it is a bigger one their life is easier, based on the common language barrier alone.

It is clear that the informal middle-men's role (social network) is overly important, and the state's active anti-migrant rhetoric is shaping the way migrant and newly arrived people are managing their lives in the context.

Read about the action research for this site here.

András Kováts, György Csepeli, Antal Örkeny, Márton Bisztrai, Sarah Makar, Alexandra Sandor

ABOUT
The research site comprises of two typical small-sized, disempowered cities (Karditsa – Katerini), located in Central Greece, which exhibit similar characteristics in terms of demographics, economy and migrant influx. The arrival situation concerns the implementation of the ESTIA programme in the two cities, providing accommodation to a substantial number of newcomers (asylum seekers) that have entered the country during the 2015-2016 refugee crisis. Newcomers, local authorities, implementing actors, grassroots movements, NGOs and past immigrants form the respective assemblage. Yet, despite the similarities of the two cities, local responses to immigration and to formation of arrival infrastructures have been quite different.

Broader Context
In an attempt to deal with the pressing issue of accommodating the newcomers, UNHCR in collaboration with the Greek Government and NGOs, introduced the ESTIA programme, which was applied in selected cities. To fulfil its objectives, the programme drawn on local actors setting up local structures of implementation. These structures were neither fixed nor identical in each city and reflected the local conditions, capacities, politics and dynamics and as well as the existing infrastructuring practices (formal and informal). These structures constituted the focal-point of arrival situations, determining newcomers’ mobility and integration, and indeed providing the groundwork for ‘becoming otherwise’.

Ethnographic Site
In order to deal with the complexity and multi-dimensionality of the subject matter, the research employed a range of methods. Institutional mapping during the first steps helped to delineate the relevant actors and the basic structure of each arrival situation. The entry points were unveiled which then were investigated using a variety of ethnographic methods such as participant observation, diary and field notes, semi-structured interviews. In order to gain the trust of newcomers, the researchers have been also involved in volunteering work, participation in social events and even active job search collaboration and assistance.

Main insights shaping the research
Although tight mobility and policing policies at national level constitute the main instruments of a rather highly governmentalized approach to migration, other “infrastructures” (related to the provision e.g. of housing, food, and education) are also in play. The fieldwork highlights how the local context, the mentality of involved agencies and the responses of “street level bureaucrats”, operating within the same national policy framework, shape each local arrival situation and define migrant mobility and trajectory. The research reveals the importance of a different narrative and an integration approach that is context specific, putting in forth needs in the labour market that are common to both locals and newcomers.

Read about the action research for this site here.

Research Team
Prof. Paschalis Arvanitidis, George Papagiannitsis, Penelope Vergou, Aimilia (Emily) Voulvouli, Athina Zoe Desli

About
Thessaloniki is an important hub in the movement of migrants from Turkey to the Balkans. The research focuses on two specific areas that concern homeless people on the move. The first is located at the western entrance of the city, in the area of abandoned train wagons which are occasionally used by undocumented people on the move. The second is located in the Ano Poli – Upper Town, which is surrounded by medieval walls next to which abandoned wall houses have been occupied by newly arrived migrants.

Broader context
Αpart from registered refugees and asylum seekers, an increasing number of newcomers merely pass through Thessaloniki or stay for short periods of time. People on the move are mainly undocumented newcomers, who try to cross Greece and the rest of the Balkan countries, being careful not to be detected by the authorities, so that they can then apply for asylum directly in a Central or Northern European country of their destination. In the struggle of people on the move to remain invisible and not be recorded by the authorities, alternative infrastructures such as the abandoned train wagons area and the wall houses play a decisive role.

Ethnographic Site
The research explores the abandoned train wagons and the wall houses because they constitute pretty unique cases where newcomers find shelter and their mobility paths are substantially informed. The first case is located at the western entrance of the city and concerns the areas of abandoned train wagons which are occasionally used by undocumented people on the move as places to stay, recover and organise their next steps. The second one is located in the old town called Ano Poli – Upper Town which is surrounded by medieval walls next to which refugees of 1922 from Minor Asia had built makeshift shelters. Although many of these have been demolished there are several which remain standing but unoccupied. It is in these abandoned shells that many newly arrived migrants have found refuge.

Main Insights
Abandonment: A growing number of newcomers are excluded from the European asylum system, they become irregularized and they are abandoned without having access to public services. However, in terms of infrastructures, the condition of abandonment opens the possibility to reuse abandoned infrastructures (like train wagons and wall-houses) for the benefit of the newcomers.

Practices of commoning: The sustainability and transformation of the abandoned infrastructures into arrival infrastructures take place through commoning practices, which are based on multiple circuits of contact between newcomers and locals, allowing the former to invent spaces of hope, imagination, co-habitation, friendship and solidarity.

Arrival infrastructures as threshold spaces: If state-run camps are enclave-like places of fencing and excluding migrants from the right to the city, then the newcomers’ arrival commons explore the possibilities for opening up the city to the newcomer. Thus, it could be argued that the examined spaces constitute threshold passages for the newcomers to the city or to their next destinations.

Read about the action research for this site here.

Research Team
Charalampos Tsavdaroglou, Zacharias Valiantzas

In 2015, informal camps in the Northern part of Paris made the issue of migrant arrivals suddenly highly visible. This situation revealed the scarcity of accommodation for migrants and became problematized by the French authorities as a political crisis. Our research team aims to analyze the many ways the state responded to what it has labeled as the “migration crisis”̶ from relying on historical accommodation infrastructures to creating a large range of new housing structures for asylum seekers; and how migrants themselves have reacted to these interventions, taking advantage of or circumventing them. A focus on migrant accommodation through the lens of “arrival infrastructure” as defined within ReROOT allows for a fine-grained exploration of the interplay between distinct actors ‒ state and non-state, migrant and non-migrant ‒ in their joint ‘infrastructuration’ of newcomers’ continuous arrival.

Exploring notably how migrants have adapted to forced settlements after the evacuation of informal camps in the French capital city in 2015, we highlight their interactions with older generations of migrants. We scrutinize the case of those new migrants who arrived in the “foyers,” migrants’ hostels designed in the 1950s.

Broader Context
2015 has accelerated a trend of creating new types of accommodation dedicated to migrants. During our fieldwork, these institutions were presented as “new,” compared to older modes of segregated accommodation as foyers, stigmatized for their supposed obsolescence. Meanwhile, the foyer, as a type of migrant housing, has been subjected since 1997 to a national transformation plan to turn them into résidences sociales. This transformation goes together with a strong reduction of collective spaces: this limits the daily appropriation of the buildings as much as collective mobilization processes. Despite two decades of calls to close the foyers down, the 2015 crisis witnessed their reactivation by the state to accommodate newcomers. In addition to the reinvestment of such an emblematic postcolonial institution, the authorities have also multiplied the segregated modes of accommodation for migrants.

Within three years following 2015, the state has created more categories of accommodation infrastructures for migrants than in the preceding forty years. Our research sheds light on the strong postcolonial continuity between old modes of accommodation for migrants and so-called new ones.

Ethnographic Site
The ethnographic inquiry unfolds through these different kinds of accommodation. As part of her post-doctoral project, Laura Guérin has conducted qualitative research with the managers of these structures who are at the forefront of the dynamics at stake regarding migrants’ accommodation; Lucie Revilla’s post-doctoral research consists in an ethnographic project among Sudanese newcomers arrived in (or after) 2015, whom she met in reception structures and foyers. Collectively, we compare the networks deployed by different generations of arrival, so-called oldcomers and newcomers, through their differential embeddedness in the foyers.

Some Key Findings
A first empirical finding of our research is to shed light on the porosity between foyers, residences sociales and the multiplicity of emergency reception centres created after 2015. After claiming to close the foyers, it finally reactivated them with the emergency faced in 2015.

Secondly, our observations emphasize the key role of material conditions of arrival. To give an example, the drastic reduction of collective space through the transformation of the foyers in résidence sociale makes them inhospitable places and limits the sociabilities that are so important to migrants’ integration.
Our ethnographic evidence also highlights the importance of inter-group solidarity in order to access to basic resources. Access to housing, and more broadly knowledge on how to navigate administrative processes, is often mediated by members of the same group. As migrants spend time in places that accommodate various groups, they also build new ties. Between co-residents of distinct ethnic national and migratory background, we have documented such transfers of knowledge and mutual help in accessing to resources.

Finally, our research demonstrates the prominent role of racialized categories and difference of status in the management of the accommodation centres. They operate in the “new” reception centres as well as the foyers, creating tensions between residents. According to a rhetoric of deservingness and in negation to the fundamental rights of migrants, the management administration perceives and treats old and newcomers differently. Shading lights on these dynamics may help administrators and policy makers to improve housing dedicated to migrants.

Read about the action research for this site here.

Research Team:
Aïssatou Mbodj, Laura Guérin, Stefan Le Courant, Lucie Revilla

About
This site revolves around the mobile lifeworlds of agricultural migrant workers in the municipality of Westland (NL) and the region of Haspengouw (BE). In Haspengouw, known for its fruit horticulture, and Westland, known for its greenhouse agriculture, many Central and Eastern European (CEE) migrant workers are employed in the plantations and greenhouses through temporary contracts. Research in this site focuses on the ways migrant workers find their way upon arrival in these agricultural areas through work, housing, shops, services, digital spaces and informal networks, all within a context where there is a constant need for flexible, dismissible labour. In this context, migrant workers are often seen and treated as either temporary or seasonal newcomers, or as (potential) victims of exploitation.

Broader Context
The relation between agriculture and migration in Westland and Haspengouw precedes the expansion of the European Union in 2004 and 2007. Turkish and Moroccan guestworkers already present in the Netherlands and Belgium and Sikh refugees coming to Belgium found often informal employment which alleviated a demand for cheap and flexible labour. Together with national legislations allowing more flexible and temporary labour, expansion of the EU made it possible for growers to employ citizens from mainly CEE countries. From these emerging mobilities, (in)formal transnational migration industries have developed in which employment agencies, farmers and brokers became important and profiting actors in channelling agricultural migrant workers into temporary work and housing.

Ethnographic Site
Ethnographic entry points have been different plantations, greenhouses and factories in Westland and Haspengouw, in order to better understand the ways agricultural labour and migration regimes work out in the repetitive physical labour on the fields and in social interactions between migrant workers and employers. From here the research followed different people, trajectories, communities and infrastructures that are involved in the arrival situation and (temporary) settlement of migrant workers. Spatially, this also meant following people from agricultural workplaces to urban areas like The Hague and Brussels where many migrant workers live and organize themselves.

Initial findings
From this ethnographic research, it became clear that even though these specific kinds of newcomers fulfil a structural role in the national and regional economy, the assumed and regimented temporariness inherent to the way agricultural migrant work is organized and controlled by different actors diffuses and obstructs structural provision and access to resources and rights, enhanced by restrictive normative ideas around (local) ‘integration’. However, trajectories and aspirations of migrant workers are more diverse than assumed and do not only include subjective experiences of exploitation. Even though plans might be short-term, temporary or open-ended at the beginning, migrant workers delay their return, start families, get unintentionally entrapped, and develop aspirations for their futures in the Netherlands, Belgium or someplace else, putting pressure on the whole system of agriculture and labour migration. The next phase of research will focus on arrival infrastructures and practices based on this sustainability and hence structural provision and access to resources, information and solidarity, beyond labour and regardless of the people’s temporary, longer-term or seasonal presence as newcomers.

Read about the action research for this site here.

Research Team
Karel Arnaut, Ilse van Liempt, Gideon Bolt, Carolien Lubberhuizen

Platform Building Participatory Research Results
See the results of the collaborative exhibition focusing on “new rituals” among agricultural migrant labourers in the Netherlands and Belgium: https://pickingfruitsowingstories.com. Read more on the platform building page.

About
Dortmund-Nordstadt in Germany has a historical path as a traditional arrival neighbourhood and is shaped by multiple layers of migration processes. Nowadays, Nordstadt is characterised by a high population turnover that has become even more dynamic in the last decades. It is, at the same time, the poorest and youngest district in Dortmund. Against this backdrop, the district has been subject to various political and urban interventions and offers a dense landscape of formal, informal and non-formal support structures addressing migrants from various backgrounds. However, newcomers are confronted with structural gaps regarding the provision of child and youth-related infrastructure, affecting migrants’ life situations significantly.

Broader context
Although Germany has been shaped by various migration processes since WWII, the political acknowledgement as a country of immigration followed slowly in the late 1990es/early 2000s. In the light of projected demographic change and related skills shortages, a shift in German migration policies took place that is reflected in the legal differentiation between labour and humanitarian migration shaping migrants’ access to rights and resources. As integration is seen as taking place at the local level, the importance of arrival neighbourhoods has been increasingly politically acknowledged. It is consensus among local actors that arrival processes need to be governed as early as possible after arrival.

Ethnographic entry points
The field research comprised interviews, observation and informal conversations and the analysis of migration-related policy documents. We first engaged with many stakeholders on the expert level and in a next step with selected actors on-the-ground. The interviewed stakeholders comprise a wide range of actors from ministry officials to informal brokers offering support of various kinds. Two primary schools and two public migration advice services were selected to delve deeper into organisations relevant for migrants’ life situations. These organisations were an important entry point for further observations and conversations with staff and newcomers, e.g. at the school gate.

Main insights
Schools are recognised by the city council as important anchor points in arrival neighbourhoods mediating access to other resources and support services. Thereby, schools in Nordstadt go beyond their work remit, e.g. in supporting families with basic needs such as food, clothes, paperwork. However, the high share of young people in the district together with serious structural gaps leads to a high pressure on child-related infrastructures affecting mostly newcomer children and youth. For instance, city-wide (stopgap) responses to the structural shortage of school places are the so called ‘busing’ of children to other schools and the reusage of abandoned school buildings. Yet, allocating the most vulnerable children and youth in separate classes possibly very far from their homes exacerbates their learning conditions and puts additional burdens on their families. It leads to exclusion not only from education itself but also from resources and support services schools provide or mediate.

Research Team
Prof. Dr. Reiner Staubach, Dennis Zilske, Heike Hanhörster, Cornelia Tippel

Read about the action research for this site here.
Platform Building Participatory Research Results: watch here.